Frankfurt Members to John Glauburge
DATE: c. 1555 March 21
LOCATION OF ORIGIN: Frankfurt
DESTINATION: Frankfurt
SOURCE: Denbighshire Record Office, Plas Power MSS, DD/PP/839 pp. 48-49
A supplication in Latin presented to Mr Jo. Globurge1
On the name, see my note to Goodman to Peter Martyr at p. [57], below. at Frankfort2
There is an English version of this document, entitled ‘The supplication to the senate’, in Troubles begonne at Franckford, pp. XL-XLIII.
Permit, I ask, most venerable fathers, your business to be interrupted by a few words. And lest we detain you excessively, accept a summary of the matter. When by divine providence your very great and unbelievable humanity granted to us a church in this city, we straightway began in accordance with our duty to undertake a plan to compose rites of the church in a liturgy to be established. And since we saw many things in the book – wordy and full of ceremonies as it is -- of our English church which were (to say nothing [p. 49] else) not quite perfect, it seemed good that we adapt it to a mere perfect scriptural norm and to the pattern of that norm in which we teach and to which we have subscribed. But since some of our people were hostile to this business (though the majority were on our side) on the grounds that we were diverging from the practices of those who went before us, we received no small annoyance form this for some months.
At last when there seemed to be no end to it, we voluntarily yielded, in our desire for peace and concord, to their opinion. We permitted them to cull from the book at their own discretion whatever quite weighty matters they wanted to, yet in such a way that these things remain fixed, at least until the last day of April. If any new dispute arose by that date, the whole thing would then be allowed to be settled on the judgement of those most excellent people Dominus Bullinger, J. Calvin, P. Martyr, W. Musculus, and Viret.3
I wonder why John, Peter, and Wolfgang get initials, while Heinrich and Pierre don’t. What need for many words? The stipulation was accepted without difficulty, and the compact was entered into on each side. A document was also provided which attests the pledge of the promise at once given and received. Indeed, with lively rejoicing and public prayers thanks were given to God because everyone believed that that day would bring the end of discord. Communion in the sacred synaxis was added to this, like a token4
A tessera is a token, broken in two and divided between two parties so that they can recognize each other when the pieces are rejoined. So it is not an unnatural word to use in this context. But there may be a reminiscence of Tertullian, De Praescriptione Haereticorum 20.8 here. Tertullian says that the churches are united by communicatio pacis et appellatio fraternitatis et contesseratio hospitalitatis. The mutual ‘hospitality’ of a celebration of the Lord’s supper isn’t what Tertullian had in mind, but the collocation in the two texts of communio/communicatio, concordia/pax, and tessera/contesseratio is suggestive. Could this passage have been known to the author of the ‘Supplication’? Yes. In the editio princeps published by Beatus Rhenanus at Basle in 1521 contesseratio is only a marginal reading (contestatio standing in the text), but it was adopted as the reading of the text in Rhenanus’s third edition, also published at Basle, in 1539. (It is also found in Martinus Mesnartius’s edition, published in Paris in 1545, but the Basle edition might be more easily accessible in these circles.) of the concord that had been repaired between us – the communion which we had not attended for three whole months before. At that time Valerandus5
In the corresponding passage in Troubles begonne at Franckford he is called ‘Valaran ... the frenche Minister’ (p. XLI). He is Valérand Poullain, who had been instrumental in securing the reception of the English exiles in Frankfort in the first place as well as their use of the church of the French congregation, of which he was pastor: so M.M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism, A Chapter in the History of Idealism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), pp. 74 and 119. was there as a participant in that Supper and one who assisted our concord and at the same time a witness of these things.
But now, in these last few days, there came sailing in to us some from among us who in every way set about this – that they might force that ungainly book of ceremonies on us, rescinding the compacts, and obstruct the liberty of the church which your beneficence had granted. And there is no doubt but that, assiduously collecting support for themselves from your distinction, they either have attempted this already or they will attempt it – that they might abuse the authority of your name to fulfill their own will.
We are compelled to omit much here – things which it would be possible to bring forward no less properly than usefully for our case. But in our eagerness to preserve concord, we consign these things to the charity of the brethren. You have, most distinguished lords, a summary overview of this case and of our dispute. From it you can quite easily understand what decision is to be taken about the whole affair.
What that book is like about which they make such a show of fighting to the death it will be possible to evaluate from the letter which the Dominus Calvinus recently wrote to us. In it he indicates his own opinion quite clearly both about that book and about the fairness of our case. We ourselves could also portray the ridiculous absurdities of that book. But, leaving countless things aside, we will adduce one thing to stand for many, to which it will prove to be most important that you should pay careful attention.
Within the last three years there flared up among us an extremely savage struggle between the bishops of that realm and another bishop – of Gloucester – the Dominus Hooper, a man most worthy of all memory, whom we have just recently learnt has now been burnt.6
John Hooper was burnt at the stake 9 February 1555. When he was made a bishop by King Edward, there was forced upon him by the others of that order, according to the formula in the book, a linen vestment with the pontifical pallium But he, being learned and having been nourished for a long time in Germany, was not able to endure these things that stupid people marvel at. And so, having first been cast in prison and at length overcome by their relentlessness, he was compelled to put up with their impudence7
In my note on the Latin text I have suggested emending so as to read ‘he was compelled by their impudence’. That is based on the assumption that ‘to put up with’ is in brackets in the MS. It seems to be, but I can’t be sure from the photocopy. – not without shame on his part and groaning and grief in the mind of most of the pious.
‘But what is the point of these things,’ you say, ‘which do not pertain to us at all?’ But indeed we think that they pertain to you above all. For if, armed with your authority, they accomplish what they want, it will in consequence happen that through your action this evil be firmly established and now and henceforth revived and there will never be an end of these disputes in our England. But if your honorable power will have established this restraint among us, so that this whole case is consigned to the investigation of those most learned men whom we mentioned, then not only we who are here but far more all posterity and the whole British nation and all the pious will be bound to you by this benefaction, recalling [p. 50] your name eternally. It would have been possible to plead this case before you at length with many words, for in a matter so sound it is not our fear that we will run out of arguments, but that you will run out of time, taken from your most weighty concerns. And so we leave it to your wisdom to evaluate the other points on the basis of these.
1 On the name, see my note to Goodman to Peter Martyr at p. [57], below.
2 There is an English version of this document, entitled ‘The supplication to the senate’, in Troubles begonne at Franckford, pp. XL-XLIII.
3 I wonder why John, Peter, and Wolfgang get initials, while Heinrich and Pierre don’t.
4 A tessera is a token, broken in two and divided between two parties so that they can recognize each other when the pieces are rejoined. So it is not an unnatural word to use in this context. But there may be a reminiscence of Tertullian, De Praescriptione Haereticorum 20.8 here. Tertullian says that the churches are united by communicatio pacis et appellatio fraternitatis et contesseratio hospitalitatis. The mutual ‘hospitality’ of a celebration of the Lord’s supper isn’t what Tertullian had in mind, but the collocation in the two texts of communio/communicatio, concordia/pax, and tessera/contesseratio is suggestive. Could this passage have been known to the author of the ‘Supplication’? Yes. In the editio princeps published by Beatus Rhenanus at Basle in 1521 contesseratio is only a marginal reading (contestatio standing in the text), but it was adopted as the reading of the text in Rhenanus’s third edition, also published at Basle, in 1539. (It is also found in Martinus Mesnartius’s edition, published in Paris in 1545, but the Basle edition might be more easily accessible in these circles.)
5 In the corresponding passage in Troubles begonne at Franckford he is called ‘Valaran ... the frenche Minister’ (p. XLI). He is Valérand Poullain, who had been instrumental in securing the reception of the English exiles in Frankfort in the first place as well as their use of the church of the French congregation, of which he was pastor: so M.M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism, A Chapter in the History of Idealism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), pp. 74 and 119.
6 John Hooper was burnt at the stake 9 February 1555.
7 In my note on the Latin text I have suggested emending so as to read ‘he was compelled by their impudence’. That is based on the assumption that ‘to put up with’ is in brackets in the MS. It seems to be, but I can’t be sure from the photocopy.
A supplication in Latten presented to Mr Jo: Globurge att / Franckford. / /
Patiamini quaeso gravissimi Proceres, negotia vestra pauculis interpellari. / Ac ne immodice vos detineamus rem compendio accipite. [Forward slash in text] Cum primum / divinâ providentiâ nobis in hac urbe Ecclesiam summa vestra ac incredibi-/lis indulsit humanitas, coepimus illico pro officio nostro rationem inirede com-/ponendis ecclesiae ritibus hac liturgia instituenda. Quoniamque multa videba-/mus in prolixo ac caeremonioso Anglicanae nostrae ecclesiae libro, quae (ut nihil / aliud dicam) / [49] aliud dicam) non essent absolutissima, visum est ad perfectiorem Scripturarum normam / adque illius in qua docemus cuique subscripsimus exemplar nosmet attemperare. [Forward slash in text] Verum cùm / ea res nonnullos e nostris infensos haberet (tametsi pars maior a nobis esset) quod / a maiorum institutis diverteremus. hinc nobis exhibita molestia est menses aliquot non / exigua. Tandem cum nullus videretur finis, pacis concordiaeque studio in ipsorum ultro -- / sententiam concessimus. Permisimus e libro pro arbitratu suo ipsi potiora quaecunque uel-/lent decerperent; Sic tamen ut firma eadem manerent, saltem ad diem Aprilis ul-/timum: Ad quem diem si quid novae enasceretur disceptationis, tum universa res ad / iudicium lectissimorum hominum D. Bullingeri, J. Calvini, P. Martiris, W. Musculi [l obscure] ac Vireti transigenda permitteretur. Quid multis? Conditio haud gravate accepta / est, ac foedus utrinque initum. Adhibita et Syngrapha[?] quae promissi fidem datam si-/mul et acceptam testaretur. [Forward slash in text] Quin vigenti adgratulatione publicisque votis deo actae / gratiae sunt, quod dies ille ab omnibus credebatur finem discordiae allaturus. Acce-/debat ad haec Sacrae Synaxios communio velut sartae inter nos concordiae tessera, / quae tres continuos ante menses a nobis non frequentabatur. Aderat id tempo-/ris Valerandus et coenae eiusdem particeps, et adiutor concordiae simulque harum rerum / testis. Nunc vero proximis his diebus ad nos appulerunt e nostris quidam, qui mod-/is omnibus id aggrediuntur, ut vastum[?] illud Caeremoniarum volumen nobis obtrudant / foedera rescindant, ac ecclesiae libertatem vestro concessam beneficio obruant. Nec / dubium quin ex vestra amplitudine sibi corrogantes patrocinium sedulo id aut iam / moliti sunt aut molientur, quo autoritate nominis vestri ad voluntatem suam ex-/plendam abutantur. [Forward slash in text] Cogimur hic multa praeterire; quae non minus recte quam uti-/liter ad causam nostram proferre liceret. Sed concordiae tuendae studio charitati / haec fratrum condonamus. Habetis[?] Ampliss[imi] Domini causae huius ac concertationis / nostrae summariam complectionem; ex quo quid de tota re sit statuendum perfaci-/le intelligatis. Cuiusmodi liber ille sit de quo tam tragice digladiantur, ex Domini / Calvini epistola nuper ad nos conscripta aestimare licebit, in qua is / sententiam su-/am haud obscure tam de libro hoc quam de aequitate causae nostrae significat. / Possemus et nos libri illius ridiculas ineptias depingere. Verum infinita praet-/erientes unum pro multis afferemus; cui ut vehementer attendatis valde retulerit. [Forward slash in text?] / Intra triennium exarsit apud nos nimis quam atrox conflictatio inter regni illius / episcopos et alterum episcopum Glocestrensem D. Hoperum virum omni memoria dignissimum quem recentissime nunc exustum accepimus. Hic cum esset a Rege / Edouardo episcopus constitutus, ab eius ordinis reliquis obtrudebatur illi juxta / libri formulam linteum cum pallio pontificio. Ille vero et doctus et in Germania / diu enutritus cum haec ferre non posset stultorum miracula, primum in carceres con-/iectus, demum importunitate victus, illorum cogebatur impudentiam non sine rubo-/re suo et maiorum piarum mentium gemitu et luctu (tolerare) [Brackets not certain].8
On the name, see my note to Goodman to Peter Martyr at p. [57], below. [Forward slash in text?] At quorsum haec? / dicitis, quae nihil ad nos attinent. Immo vero omnium maxime ad vos attinere arbi-/tramur. Nam si autoritate vestra armati ista quae velint perficiant; fiet denique per / vos stabilitum hoc malum, nuncque deinceps restituatur; nec harum unquam finis con-/certationum in Anglia nostra futurus sit. Sin vero honorifica potestas vestra eam inter nos moderationem constituerit. <ut>9
On the name, see my note to Goodman to Peter Martyr at p. [57], below. tota haec causa, horum quos diximus Doctiss[imorum] hominum / cognitioni dedatur, non modo nos qui adsumus sed multo magis posteritatem universam et / cunctam Britanniae gentem omnesque pios immortali hoc beneficio cum sempiterna no-/minis vestri / [50] minis vestri recordatione vobis devincietis. Pluribus causam hanc apud vos perorare / licuisset, neque enim in re tam integra rationes nobis, sed vobis potius tempus a gravissimis / vestris occupationibus veremur defuisse. Itaque ex iis caetera prudentiae vestrae aestiman-/da relinquimus.
8 If there really are brackets around tolerare, I would emend impudentiam to impudentia, which would give good sense. If an ablative in the exemplar was misread as an accusative – an easy mistake when m is indicated by a supralineal stroke – tolerare was added by the (seventeenth-century) copyist to make the sentence construe.
9 I have emended the text by inserting an ut, the omission of which would have been easy after – it. Without it, the sentence has to be chopped awkwardly in two with a full stop after dedatur and no connective between the two sentences. Besides, in the peroration a future more vivid condition (future perfect indicative – future indicative) is much more forceful than a future less vivid (perfect subjunctive – present subjunctive). The whole petition is highly (and rather effectively) rhetorical.

